Özer ARSLANPAY: Bottled Politics in the Middle East

When requesting a Coca-Cola in a Lebanese market, one is informed of its absence. This negative response serves as themost striking summary of how the profound economic crisisafflicting the country has devastated daily life. It is nowimpossible to find this once-refreshing beverage on theshelves. During this period, the societal thirst for the daysdevoid of crises has deepened far more than the desire for a Coca-Cola. Is this phenomenon merely a simple supply chainissue? Negative. The core issue reflects a commercialdiplomacy war spanning decades, deeply rooted in the feudalstructure of Lebanon and the prominent Arab boycott in theMiddle East.

Considering the dynamics of international relations andregional history, observing how geopolitical fault lines can be deciphered through a bottle of carbonated beverage is highlyilluminating.

The Birth of Pepsi as an Invasion

The foundations of this epic rivalry date back to 1952. Pepsi entered the Lebanese market through the Société Moderne Libanaise pour le Commerce, a company established byToufic Assaf and the Assaf family. The factory constructed in the Hazmieh region swiftly propelled the brand to theundisputed leadership position in the Levant. The Beirut Daily Star newspaper, published during that era, announced thissignificant transformation with a headline declaring that Pepsi culture had invaded the sacred Lebanese territories, therebyhistorically documenting the modernization pains experiencedby the nation. Consumer demand reached such an unfathomable magnitude that distribution trucks wereintercepted by the public on the streets before they could evenreach the grocery stores. Crates were instantly depleted priorto arriving at the markets. Furthermore, Toufic Assaf managedto recoup the cost of this colossal investment in a record time of merely eighteen months.

The Unrivaled Kingdom Following the Arab Boycott

Although Coca-Cola had entered the region in 1945 via Cairo, it was always destined to remain in the shadow of Pepsi in Lebanon. The most substantial diplomatic blow occurred in the late 1960s. The decision of Coca-Cola to inaugurate a bottling plant in Israel resulted in the Arab League promptlyadding the brand to a boycott roster. While this sharp politicalmaneuver eradicated Coca-Cola from numerous Arab nations, including Lebanon, it presented Pepsi with the opportunity toestablish an absolute and unshakable monopoly in the regionthat would endure for twenty to thirty years.

The Choueifat Defense in the Darkness of the Civil War

During the 1980s, encompassing the most severe and darkestdays of the Lebanese civil war, the Assaf family, rather thanretreating, made a bold move to expand their productioncapacity by constructing a massive facility in the Choueifatindustrial zone. This strategic step conveyed a message for theLebanese economy emphasizing that they remained presentand standing despite everything. The foundation of thissurvival lay in the fact that Toufic Assaf was not solely a businessman but also a minister possessing robust politicalaffiliations. Through this influence, the factory was able tosustain its production even amidst ongoing conflicts bybypassing militia-controlled lines.

From the Red Logo to Empty Shelves

With the subsidence of the boycott winds in the nineties, Coca-Cola made an ambitious return to the Lebanese market under the umbrella of the National Beverage Company. Nevertheless, the severe economic crisis that erupted in theautumn of 2019 and progressively deepened paved the way forthe tragic conclusion of this return. The National BeverageCompany announced the cessation of all production as of May 2020, citing that the deteriorating economic conditions of thecountry had paralyzed imports and foreign bank transfers. The inability to secure the necessary foreign currency for rawmaterial imports and the collapse of the banking system led tothe complete closure of the factories and this dramaticfarewell. The withdrawal of Coca-Cola from Lebanon did not remain merely the departure of a brand. It transformed into a striking symbol of an externally dependent, fragile economyand the desperation of the populace.

At the current juncture, although the Pepsi productionmanaged by the Assaf family still attempts to survive, it nolonger constitutes a success story. It is a final struggle forbreath within a collapsing economy. The crowds that oncewelcomed the trucks have been replaced today by individualsseeking their own funds in banks and struggling to accesswater.

The negative response received when inquiring about Coca-Cola in a market is the declaration of the collapse of an era, a lifestyle, and a nation. That silent withdrawal of Coca-Cola in 2020 was the final blow dealt to the modernization aspirationsof Beirut.

Today, those red billboards recall a lost past rather thanrefreshment. A descent has occurred from the golden age of Toufic Assaf into a darkness where people cannot even accessclean water. The sun still burns in Beirut, and the peopleremain thirsty. However, this thirst is no longer of a nature tobe quenched by a beverage; it is a profound thirst for justice, a functional system, and a future.

Özer ARSLANPAY

Kafkassam Editör
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Kafkassam Editör

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